Johnson colloquium

May 21
3:30-5pm
Pick 016
Universityof Massachusetts, Amherst
QR is NP movement

This paper looks at the syntactic mechanics of Quantifier Raising (QR), the rule that is thought to determine the scope of a quantificational expression. It argues that the movement operation does not move the quantificational determiner phrase, but instead moves just the NP part of a quantificational expression -- the restrictor. In addition to providing an improved syntax/phonology/semantics interface, it will be demonstrated that it gives a good account of two puzzling cases. One of those cases involves split antecedents for relative clause extraposition that Perlumutter and Ross made famous in an early paper in Linguistic Inquiry:

A man is smiling and a woman is frowning who met earlier today.

The second case is Link's hydras:

Every man and every woman who met earlier today have now arrived.

A key ingredient in the analysis of these cases is the link between QR and relative clause extraposition that Danny Fox and Jon Nissenbaum have drawn.